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Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta politics. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta politics. Mostrar todas las entradas

sábado, 22 de julio de 2017

El banquero anarquista - Fernando Pessoa

Rating: 
16/11/13?
*Una reseña que me olvidé de subir/An old review I forgot to post.



El banquero anarquistaEncontré a Pessoa por El libro del Desasosiego. Como todavía no llegó, quise empezar a conocer a este autor (sobre el cual he leído varias opiniones y me interesó mucho) y di con Un Banquero Anarquista, que trata sobre una conversación entre dos amigos; uno de ellos, como puede deducirse, es un banquero que se denomina anarquista. El otro muchacho no puede conciliar la idea de que este hombre sea anarquista; una persona que se enriquece mientras defiende un sistema libre que predica en contra de toda desigualdad. Durante varias, quizás demasiadas líneas, intenta entender cómo esta persona puede ser anarquista tanto en la teoría como en la práctica; mientras que aquel le refiere que no hay desacuerdo entre ambas, puesto que considera que “ellos, los de los sindicatos y las bombas (yo también estuve allí y salí de allí precisamente a causa de mi verdadero anarquismo), ellos son la basura del anarquismo, los hembras de la gran doctrina libertaria”. Divide su realidad entre anarquistas estúpidos y anarquistas inteligentes, algo que resulta presuntuosamente molesto. Pero eso es personal, nunca pude ocultar mi “molestia” ante personas que se creen más inteligentes que otras y lo hacen saber. Si sos inteligente, excelente, la gente lo podrá percibir sin que te pongas un cartel luminoso en la frente que lo diga. Quizás no es molestia molestia; no sé, no me dan ganas de tratarlos.


En fin, el banquero cuenta por qué se volvió anarquista, relatando algunos hechos con los que no es difícil estar de acuerdo. Creo que en algún momento, todos hemos sentido esa rebelión interna de la que se habla acá. No sé si como para llegar al punto de rebelarse contra toda convención y fórmula social (ficciones, como las llama este señor) hasta su abolición, pero bueno. Algunas de sus ideas son razonables, otras, son ridículamente contradictorias, por más argumento que le intente dar. Intencionales, por supuesto, ya que determinadas ironías son las que hacen que este cuento tenga mayor impacto y se pueda comparar con lo que realmente se vive. Un banquero, alguien en el sistema, en búsqueda y contacto permanente con el dinero, es anarquista. O sea... Sos un ban-que-ro.
1. “Para el anarquista, es claro, quien está en el lugar de enemigo es cualquier representante de las ficciones sociales y de su tiranía”.
2. “Soy banquero”.

Es muy gracioso. El tipo te envuelve con lo que parecen sólidos argumentos (igual, eso es un plus: no anda diciendo frases hechas de por ahí, intenta respaldarlas con el uso de su razón, aunque no sean más que sofismas, ¡pero al menos se toma el tiempo!). Sin embargo, todo vuelve a lo mismo de siempre, la libertad, el individualismo, que se logra relacionar íntimamente con el concepto de riqueza, alejándose de los ideales del anarquismo. Se plantea subyugar una feroz ficción social: el dinero. Solo se puede dejar de ser esclavo del dinero... teniendo mucho dinero. Fantástico.

Esta conversación se vuelve interesante a medida que avanza, y densa, difícil de imaginar con café y torta de por medio, llegando a verse más como un monólogo. Hasta que aparece algún “sí”, “entiendo” por parte de la otra persona, que quisiera saber si realmente está entendiendo. Ya en esa instancia, me imagino su cara... Y yo, en esa instancia, ya estaba medio saturada de tantos conceptos repetidos. Terminaron de cenar, pero ¿qué bebió para sentir la necesidad de decir y repetir lo mismo en cada comienzo de oración? Indudablemente, quien lea este libro, entenderá qué es el anarquismo. Lo entenderá varias veces. Lo entenderá una vez por página. Lo entenderá como yo entendí varios aspectos de Derechos Reales, donde cada vez que me la nombran recuerdo “anualidad purga el vicio”, “anualidad purga el vicio”, tras leerlo 23.456 veces.

Fuera de eso, me gustó mucho. Podría ser realmente tedioso, pero Pessoa tiene una particularidad en su escritura que evita llegar al aburrimiento, teniendo en cuenta que el tópico que trata no es particularmente Disneylandesco. De todos modos, el tema te tiene que interesar, sino esto lo largás en la segunda página.


description

* Tapa de libro via Goodreads.

domingo, 6 de septiembre de 2015

Lo que el Modelo se Llevó: Todo lo que Perdimos en la Década Ganada - Nicolás Lucca

Rating: 
07/09/15

The sense of belonging is inherent to human nature. We look for it every time. Even when we say we are such rebels that we do not care about it, that we do not need that and we are our own island. I have said things like that and I lied to myself every time. I have never met anyone completely alone and happy. Well, that is not such an indicator since I haven't met a lot of people. I am more of a recluse at home with books near me, coffee always ready to heat up and crumbs of pizza on my couch thanks to Saturday nights movie marathons (yeah, I am the most popular gal in town). But still, I haven't met that kind of people.


Anyway, that concept came to mind when I started reading this book by Argentine journalist Nicolás Lucca. Why? Because the other day, I found myself surrounded by people who support the current administration of my country, that being the Kirchnerist regime, which party, Frente Para la Victoria (Front for Victory, FPV) rules since 2003. The little criterion I have left allows me to question many methods and acts that FPV has done during these “década ganada” (a victorious decade; literally, a won decade) as they like to call it. So no, I cannot be a Kirchnerist. I cannot be any -ist, since the moment you start identifying yourself so much with a politician or any mortal like you, you become a fanatic whose perspective and objectivity get lost in the face of your idol. 

However, while I was in that group, surrounded by those fervent admirers of the government, I did wish I was one of them. That disturbing thought finds its roots in my weariness. I am tired. It is certainly exhausting to be in a fight all the time. Because that is the thing with fanatics: you cannot talk to them. It has been declared a high-risk sport in here. There is no possibility of a debate. You have to be in defensive position, all the time. And even worse, the division is so deep in our society (despite the opinion of some journalists that selflessly deny the crack, the social rift—something I also mentioned in El Relato Peronista review—) that intolerance is also present in a non-Kirchnerist person, that is, in a person that criticizes the little respect that the ruling party has for the opinion of others. Always justifying yourself, denying unpatriotic attitudes, a lack of acknowledgement of our great sovereignty and human rights policies, denying the invention of embezzlement cases—because this is the most transparent government of the last decades—and especially denying any involvement in the last dictatorship, no matter your age. I felt the urge of belonging to that Kirchnerist group. I wanted to see the fictitious reality they have been yapping about for years. I had the need of being a brainwashed follower that only sees a shiny rainbow with puppies singing “Don't Worry, be Happy/Marcha Peronista” over it. That feeling lasted a couple of minutes; reality came back to slap me in the face with no mercy. Yet, the problem is that it existed. I felt it. I wanted to sell my soul to La Cámpora (the Kirchnerist Youth movement) and be happy and proud and national and popular. And, metaphorical speaking, blind.


La década kichnerista ha transcurrido en una permanente independencia entre lo que se dice, lo que se hace y el cómo se hace.
The Kirchnerist decade has passed through a permanent independence among what it is said, what it is done and how it is done. (25)

description
This book is about the last twelve years of Argentine politics under the Kirchnerist administration, plus many references about the social and political context of previous years. How Former President Néstor Kirchner arrived to that position, his political past and same thing with his wife, Cristina Fernández, current President of this country. There is a lot of context to absorb this huge amount of information. Or try to absorb. Because every situation, every detail, everything is just too surreal. Too ours. Too argento, lads.

After the remarkable introduction written by film and t.v. director Juan José Campanella, comes Lucca's first chapter called “Bienvenidos al Modelo”, the initial contact with Kirchnerism. In a couple of pages, you will get the main idea of such a contradictory administration which base is purely a demagogic speech that tries to find the guilty ones when something goes wrong. Ironically, those offenders never belong to Kirchnerism: newspapers, companies, the agricultural sector, the greedy middle class that contributes with piles of money—through high taxes that does not match the lousy public services we have—later used by the government according to the whim of the time, the U.S., the IS, invisible yet very destabilizing forces that use Jedis' lightsabers to overthrow a democratic government that makes no consequence for the rest of the civilized world. Except the countries buying the south of our country in the name of sovereignty, a couple of Chinese working in Argentine soil,under their laws and with unknown benefits for us, the even more democratic Venezuelan administration that has the same ability to look for people to blame for their own ineptitude and a close relationship with the Iranian government to which our current President and staff gave the AMIA bombing suspects on a silver platter in exchange of trade and leaving 85 victims in oblivion.

Through the eight chapters of this book, you will find out about the truth behind the populist speech.

descriptionThe real numbers, the real hunger, the real responsible of some of our tragedies that could have been avoided if politicians in charge were not such a big pile of corrupt bastards spending money where it is not needed and putting the rest in their bank accounts. The real reason why we cannot reach all our potential, why we have so many social plans and State assistance if we have a strong and patriotic economy that Germans would envy. And, secretly, I think they already do... Pack your bags and get on the first Aerolíneas Argentinas plane you see, Mrs. Merkel! You are invited to come and copy our formidable politics based on empty words, fake numbers, assistance instead of decent work (because that would imply well-prepared citizens that can make decisions sans clientelism) and city services that had been attending the "subsidy party" for too long, creating the feeling we live in More's Utopia when we are actually in Collins' District 12. Just make sure no blonde is inside the cockpit, Ma'am. (Yeah, only Argentines can get that reference.)

This book also reflects the fact that the past can be chosen. There is a chapter called “Relato Derecho y Humano” that depicts how the Kirchners invented themselves a past of patriotic fights against the dictatorship of the time. Two innocent, soulful lawyers resisting one of the darkest periods of our history. Laws, convictions, persecutions, a sense of justice and a strong desire for fighting for it. That inspirational story would win the Golden Sarasa Award, no doubt, since it is basically a lie. The Kirchners were safely making money in the real estate industry while some of their colleagues were presenting habeas corpus in favor of people persecuted for political reasons in a time where you could not raise your voice against the de facto government without dreadful consequences.
However, the lie has been ingrained. The legendary past of those two politicians has come to stay. Even though it is so easy to check, kirchnerists like to repeat that idea to themselves, over and over. And over. There is a chapter solely dedicated to describe these specimens that sometimes receive something in exchange of their obsequiousness and other times—and for the majority represented by those poor devils that suffer like the rest of us—receive nothing, for they truly believe the tale (something that makes me lose faith in us as a normal society and in all humanity, for that matter). Yes, a true gem. Just like the passages that portray the unique relationship between Kirchnerism and justice. You see, real justice is seen mainly when it speaks in favor of any situation the Kirchnerist administration is going through. But, any verdict that opposes their patriotic desires is perceived as a decision that intends to hide the evident pressure of corporatism, the evil hegemonic forces represented by a newspaper, the dreadful and neoliberal characters of the '90s (like most Kirchnerists were) that want to take our humble nation back to those dark ages.
Yes, that actually happens. No, I wish I was exaggerating. For they are the majority, they represent what every single Argentine wants and needs, and they feel democracy is the ability of ridiculing and crushing the minority while sketching their sworn declarations to disguise everything they own thanks to the money they stole from their people (Kirchnerist or not) as they tell to that same people that a redistribution of wealth is needed so they should not be so greedy as to want to have a dollar to pay for whatever the hell they want. All in the name of democracy.
No, I wish I was exaggerating.
...nadie explica por qué más democracia debe implicar menos república, si ambos conceptos son iguales de esenciales para la existencia del Estado occidental moderno.

...nobody explains why democracy must involve less republic, if both concepts are equally essential for the existence of the modern Western state. (209)

In terms of writing, Lucca's is certainly remarkable. He is not the kind of writer that uses big, fancy words to explain what it is already so difficult to explain. There are very few technicalities. He manages to use a colloquial language without underestimate the reader. Slang is the keyword. A whole political report through a smart and familiar language; you cannot ask for more. It is like reading the witty thoughts of a well-prepared journalist lying in a couch with a cup of coffee and a restless mind.
Humor is omnipresent. And it is the main element that helps you finish those passages about numbers and details that also build a necessary context. Sure, sometimes, I felt like it was maybe, perhaps, possibly, a bit too much. There are ideas that led me to a few déjà vu experiences since I read them a couple of times with similar words. Some metaphors, comparisons and similar techniques to say something, that made me think to myself: “Okay, Mr. Lucca, say it already”. Still, when he reached Seriousness Avenue where those aforementioned techniques were absent, I missed them. And so on, and so on. (The first man that even hints at the “Oh well, you're a woman” explanation, gets a thousand copies of The Alchemist. Unless you liked it.) Clever writing is something that I always look for and I do not see frequently. And the fact that a person can combine wit and politics in a book without sounding like Kenny Bania is already an impressive task. So I am more than grateful, not only for the good time I had reading it, but mostly for the great deal of information and clarifications I have now. Sweet words armed with fake ideology cannot hide cold hard facts.

So, Argentines of the world, people that enjoy reading about Argentine history and are familiar with our unique argento language, this is a book you should not miss.
And I know. I know how these rambling thoughts began. For a moment, I wanted to be part of the Kirchnerist perfection that not even Walt Disney could have imagined. Let's just stay in reality, surrounded by tangible things and devastating numbers and everything that actually exists for us and almost a whole country. Surrounded by truth. Because in this bleak landscape with no visible exit in the short run, in this real place lies truth. Something that even the most hardcore Kirchnerist will have to eventually face when the Won Decade Building crumbles in front of his national and popular eyes, while he, in silence, of course, thinks about the next political conversion.
Lucca ends his book expressing that he does not know if he should keep dreaming about a great—well, a fine... oh, let's face it, a humanly acceptable—country, or wake up and make it come true. I agree. A lot of us are in the same spot. I would like to leave lala-warm-fuzzy land and make it real. To release the hand of Hope and stop the torment in the most Nietzschean way possible. In theory, Hope is a magnificent resource. In literature, a poetically sublime concept. But it should end, someday. It should become reality, at some point. That depends on you know who. Even a weird-looking smiling cat tells it better. If you do not care much about where you want to go, then it does not matter which way you go.
We know what we need, we know what to change. We know what to do. So...

~ Traducción ~


Rating: 
07/09/15

El sentido de pertenencia es inherente a la naturaleza humana. Lo buscamos todo el tiempo. Incluso cuando decimos que somos semejantes rebeldes que no nos preocupamos por eso, que no lo necesitamos y somos nuestra propia isla. He dicho cosas así y me mentí a mí misma, cada vez. Nunca conocí a alguien completamente solo y feliz. Bueno, no, eso no es un gran indicador ya que no he conocido montones de gente. Soy más como una reclusa en casa con libros cerca, café siempre listo para calentar y migas de pizza en el sofá gracias a los maratones de películas de sábado por la noche (sí, soy la piba más popular de la ciudad). Pero aún así, no he conocido a ese tipo de personas.

En fin, ese concepto me vino a la mente cuando empecé a leer este libro del periodista argentino Nicolás Lucca. ¿Por qué? Porque, el otro día, me encontré rodeada de personas que apoyan la actual administración de mi país: el régimen kirchnerista, cuyo partido, Frente Para la Victoria (FPV) gobierna desde 2003. El pequeño criterio que me queda me permite cuestionar varios métodos y actos que el FPV ha hecho durante esta década ganada, como les gusta llamarla. Así que no, no puedo ser kirchnerista. No puedo ser cualquier -ista, ya que desde el momento en que empezás a identificarte tanto con un político o, en realidad, cualquier mortal como vos, te convertís en un fanático cuya perspectiva y objetividad se pierden en la cara de su ídolo.
Sin embargo, mientras yo estaba en ese grupo, rodeada de esos fervientes admiradores del gobierno, realmente quise ser una de ellos. Ese pensamiento inquietante encuentra sus raíces en mi cansancio. Estoy cansada. Sin duda, es agotador estar en pelea todo el tiempo. Porque ese es el tema con los fanáticos: no se puede hablar con ellos. Es un deporte de alto riesgo por estas tierras. No hay posibilidad de debate. Tenés que estar a la defensiva, todo el tiempo. Y lo que es peor, es tal la división en nuestra sociedad (aunque algún que otro periodista niegue desinteresadamente lo que hace rato conocemos como la grieta —algo sobre lo cual también se escribió en la reseña de El Relato Peronista—) que esa intolerancia también es propia de quien no es kirchnerista, o sea, de quien critica el poco respeto a la opinión ajena que tiene el oficialismo. Uno siempre tiene que estar justificándose, negando actitudes antipatriotas, la falta de reconocimiento de nuestra gran soberanía y las políticas de derechos humanos, negando la invención de los casos de corrupción —porque este es el gobierno más transparente de las últimas décadas— y especialmente negando cualquier participación en la última dictadura, sin importar tu edad. Sentí la necesidad de pertenecer a ese grupo. Yo quería ver la realidad ficticia que han estado ladrando durante años. Tuve la necesidad de ser una seguidora con el cerebro lavado que sólo ve un arco iris brillante con cachorritos cantando "No te Preocupes, sé Feliz/Marcha Peronista" sobre él. Esa sensación duró un par de minutos; la realidad volvió a mí para cachetearme sin piedad. Sin embargo, el tema es que existió. Lo sentí. Quise vender mi alma a La Cámpora (el movimiento de la juventud kirchnerista) y ser feliz y orgullosa y nacional y popular. Y, metafóricamente hablando, ciega.

La década kirchnerista ha pasado a través de una independencia permanente entre lo que se dice, lo que se hace y cómo se hace. (25)

descriptionEste libro trata sobre los últimos doce años de la política argentina durante el gobierno kirchnerista , además de varias referencias sobre el contexto social y político de los años anteriores que nos llevaron adonde estamos. Trata sobre cómo el ex presidente Néstor Kirchner llegó a tal posición, su pasado político y lo mismo con su esposa, Cristina Fernández, actual presidente de este país. Hay mucho contexto para absorber esta enorme cantidad de información. O tratar de absorber. Porque cada situación, cada detalle, todo es demasiado surrealista. Demasiado nuestro. Demasiado argento, muchachos.

Después de la notable introducción escrita por el director de cine y televisión, Juan José Campanella, viene el primer capítulo que Lucca llamó "Bienvenidos al Modelo"; el contacto inicial con el kirchnerismo. En un par de páginas, obtenés la idea principal de una administración contradictoria cuya base es simplemente un discurso demagógico que trata de encontrar a los culpables cuando algo va mal. Irónicamente, esos responsables nunca pertenecen al kirchnerismo: son diarios, empresas, el sector agrícola, la clase media avarienta que contribuye con montones de dinero (a través de los altos impuestos que no se corresponden con los pésimos servicios públicos que tenemos) usado ​​más tarde por el gobierno de acuerdo al capricho del momento, los EE.UU., el Estado Islámico, fuerzas invisibles pero muy desestabilizadoras que con los sables de luz de los Jedis intentan derribar un gobierno democrático que no repercute en lo más mínimo para el resto del mundo civilizado. Excepto los países que compran el sur de nuestro país en nombre de la soberanía, un par de chinos que trabajan en suelo argentino bajo sus propias leyes y con beneficio aún desconocido para nosotros, el aún más democrático gobierno venezolano que tiene la misma capacidad de buscar a los culpables de su propia ineptitud y esa estrecha relación con el gobierno iraní al que nuestra Presidencia de la Nación le cedió en bandeja a los sospechosos del atentado a la AMIA a cambio de comercio y dejar a 85 víctimas en el olvido.

A través de los ocho capítulos de este libro, te vas a enterar de la verdad detrás del discurso populista.
description

Los números reales, el hambre real, los responsables reales de algunas de las tragedias que se podrían haber evitado si los políticos en cuestión no fueran una gran pila de corruptos que gastan plata donde no es necesario y ponen el resto en sus cuentas bancarias. Te vas a enterar sobre la verdadera razón por la que no podemos alcanzar nuestro potencial, por qué tenemos tantos planes sociales y asistencia del Estado si tenemos una economía fuerte y patriótica que los alemanes envidiarían. Y, en secreto, creo que ya lo hacen... Dale, Merkel, hacé las valijas y agarrate el primer avión de Aerolíneas que veas. Estás invitada a venir e imitar nuestra política formidable basada en palabras vacías, números falsos, asistencia en lugar de trabajo digno (porque eso implicaría ciudadanos bien preparados que puedan tomar decisiones sin convertirse en rehenes del clientelismo) y servicios públicos que estuvieron concurriendo a la fiesta del subsidio durante mucho tiempo, creando la sensación de que vivimos en la Utopía de Moro cuando estamos en el Distrito 12 de Collins. Nomás asegurate de que ninguna rubia esté en la cabina.

Este libro también refleja el hecho de que el pasado puede ser elegido. Hay un capítulo llamado "Relato Derecho y Humano" que describe cómo los Kirchner se inventaron un pasado de luchas patrióticas contra la dictadura de la época. Dos conmovedores e inocentes abogados resistiendo uno de los períodos más oscuros de nuestra historia. Leyes, convicciones, persecuciones, un sentido de la justicia y un fuerte deseo de luchar por ella. Esa historia inspiradora que ganaría de una el Premio Sarasa de Oro ya que todo es básicamente una mentira. Los Kirchner estaban haciendo dinero en la tranquilidad de la compra de propiedades, mientras que algunos de sus colegas estaban presentando hábeas corpus en favor de perseguidos políticos en un momento en que no se podía levantar una voz contraria sin ligarla.
Sin embargo, la mentira se ha arraigado. El pasado legendario del matrimonio ha llegado para quedarse. A pesar de que es tan fácil de comprobar, a los kirchneristas les gusta repetirse esa idea, una y otra vez. Hay un capítulo exclusivamente dedicado a describir a estos especímenes que a veces reciben algo a cambio de su obsecuencia y, otras veces —y la mayoría representada por esos pobres diablos que sufren como el resto de nosotros— reciben nada, porque ellos realmente creen en el relato (algo que me hace perder la fe en nosotros como una sociedad medianamente normal y en toda la humanidad, de igual manera). Sí, una verdadera joyita. Al igual que los pasajes que retratan la relación única entre el kirchnerismo y la justicia. O sea, la verdadera justicia se observa principalmente cuando se habla a favor de cualquier situación que la administración kirchnerista esté atravesando. No obstante, cualquier sentencia que se oponga a sus deseos patrióticos, se percibe como una medida que tiene la intención de ocultar la evidente presión del corporativismo, de las fuerzas hegemónicas del mal representadas por un diario, de los espantosos y neoliberales personajes de los 90 (tiempo al que perteneció la mayoría de los kirchneristas) que quieren llevar nuestra humilde nación de vuelta a esos años oscuros.
Sí, esto pasa. No, quisiera estar exagerando. Porque ellos son la mayoría, ellos representan lo que quiere y necesita cada argentino, y sienten que la democracia es la posibilidad de ridiculizar y aplastar a la minoría mientras dibujan sus declaraciones juradas para disfrazar todo lo que tienen gracias a la plata que le robaron a su pueblo (kirchnerista o no), ese mismo pueblo al que le dicen que se necesita una redistribución de la riqueza, por lo que no deben ser tan angurrientos como para querer tener un peso para disponer como quieran. Todo en nombre de la democracia.
No, quisiera estar exagerando.
...nadie explica por qué la democracia debe implicar menos república, si ambos conceptos son igualmente esenciales para la existencia del Estado moderno occidental. (209)
En cuanto a la escritura de Lucca, es ciertamente notable. Él no es el tipo de escritor que utiliza palabras pretenciosas para explicar lo que ya es tan difícil de explicar. Hay muy pocos tecnicismos. Se las arregla para utilizar un lenguaje coloquial sin subestimar al lector. Lunfardo es la palabra clave. Toda una historia política en un lenguaje inteligente y a la vez, familiar; no podés pedir más. Es como leer los pensamientos ingeniosos de un periodista bien preparado, acostado en un sofá con una taza de café y una mente inquieta.
El humor es omnipresente. Y es el elemento principal que te ayuda a terminar esos párrafos acerca de números y detalles que también hacen a un contexto necesario. Ponele, que a veces, me sentí como que era tal vez, quizás, posiblemente, un poco demasiado. Hay ideas que me llevaron a algún que otro déjà vu, por haberlas leído un par de veces con palabras similares. Algunas metáforas, comparaciones y técnicas similares para decir algo que me hicieron pensar: "Bueno, señor Lucca, dígalo de una vez". Sin embargo, cuando el autor llegó a la Avenida Seriedad en la que las técnicas antes mencionadas estuvieron ausentes, las extrañé. Y todo así. (El primer caballero que tire como explicación "Bué, sos mujer", se gana mil ejemplares de El Alquimista. A no ser que le haya gustado.)
La escritura inteligente es algo que siempre busco y no veo con frecuencia. El hecho de que una persona puede combinar el ingenio y la política en un libro sin sonar como Kenny Bania ya es una tarea que impresiona. Así que estoy más que agradecida, no sólo por el buen rato que pasé mientras leía, sino por la gran cantidad de información y aclaraciones que tengo ahora. Palabras dulces armadas de ideología falsa no pueden ocultar hechos concretos.

Así que, argentinos del mundo, personas que disfrutan de la lectura de la historia argentina y están familiarizados con nuestro lenguaje, único en su especie, este es un libro que no deben perderse.
Y ya sé. Ya sé cómo empezó esta perorata. Por un momento, quise ser parte de la perfección kirchnerista que ni siquiera Walt Disney podría haber imaginado. Pero quedémosnos en la realidad, rodeados de cosas tangibles y números devastadores y todo lo que existe en sí, para nosotros y para casi todo un país. Rodeados de verdad. Porque en este paisaje desolador sin salida visible a corto plazo, en este lugar real, se encuentra la verdad. Algo que incluso el kirchnerista más acérrimo tendrá que enfrentarse eventualmente, cuando el Década Ganada Building se desmorone ante sus ojos nacionales y populares, mientras que él, en silencio, obvio, se encuentre pensando en la próxima camaleónica conversión política.
Lucca termina su libro expresando que él no sabe si debe seguir soñando con un gran (o sea, un buen... seamos sinceros, un humanamente aceptable) país, o despertar y hacerlo realidad. Estoy de acuerdo. Muchos estamos en la misma, cada uno desde el lugar que tiene o puede o le encajaron de una. Me gustaría dejar el mundo de fantasías animadas de ayer y hoy y hacerlo realidad. Soltarle la mano a la Esperanza y detener el tormento de la manera más nietzscheana posible. En teoría, la esperanza es un recurso magnífico. En la literatura, un concepto poéticamente sublime. Pero debería acabarse, algún día. Dejar de ser deseo para convertirse en realidad, en algún momento.
Sabés de quién depende. Hasta un bizarro gato de sonrisa perturbante lo dice mejor. Si no sabés o no te importa demasiado adónde ir, da lo mismo qué camino elegir.
Sabemos lo que necesitamos, sabemos lo que hay que cambiar. Sabemos qué hacer. Entonces...






* Photo credit: Book cover via Goodreads.
"El obelisco y el arco iris" / Juan José Braun via Foto Revista.
Hombre en La Carbonilla, Buenos Aires / Reuters via El Confidencial



sábado, 15 de agosto de 2015

El Relato Peronista - Silvia Mercado

Rating: 
13/08/15


This book starts with a dreadful concept that haunts many of us: what if they lied to us? What if everything you thought that was true, ended up being an elaborate lie supported by politics and their powerful media? What if your history wasn't yours? The history that makes you who you are. Your values, your ideas, your individuality. Your identity. Your sense of belonging.
Yourself.

¿Y si la historia nunca fue como nos la contaron?
What if history wasn't like they told us?

Jorge Lanata, journalist.

A bitter pill to swallow, let me tell you.
However, this investigation by journalist Silvia Mercado aims to demolish all the Argentine historical myths, unveiling the only thing we should always search for: the truth. Facts. The reality that is far away from points of view, wishes, convenient inclinations, fanaticism. That ugly truth that threatens your sense of security and faith in everything you thought was right. Easier said than done. That is why this is not a book for everyone. I would recommend it only to those who are willing to put the official story and prejudices aside and have an honest desire of knowing the truth, even though if there is a possibility that it might hurt you and your surroundings. Someone blinded by that fervent adoration for a human being whose job is to be a politician (things I will never understand) probably will not find it useful and will run to read La Razón de mi Vida while holding a paper bag and hyperventilating because his safe way of understanding politics, his safe way of living, actually, has been threatened.

The book. In terms of structure and order, the book is flawless. You even have an index of names at the end of it, so you have easy access to any subject. In terms of writing, it is clear and straightforward. The foundation of a serious investigation is its sources. So, you will also find a list of reliable sources to back up the author's statements. It is a well documented recap about the face of Peronism that many patriots refuse to acknowledge. Because that is the thing with the ruling party of the last years: if you are not a Peronist, you are not Argentine.
...era un enemigo de la Patria y no tenía derecho a nada.
...an enemy of our homeland and had right to nothing. (229)

In 1946, Juan Domingo Perón, a military officer, became president. He was re-elected in 1952. But his origins were not so democratic. He was involved in the 1943 Argentine coup d'état that the United Officers' Group (GOU) made possible, and was the Vice President of the de facto government from 1944 to 1945.
During Perón's administration, if you were not a Peronist (political movement based on his persona), you were persecuted, tortured and, according to the case, killed. Yes, killed. And yes, it was a democratic government.

description

Now, times have changed a little, so you may face endless discussions with fanatics (life is too short for that) but, under the current Kirchnerist regime—that finds its roots in the Justicialist Party founded by Perón—you may also face the removal of the government social help if you have, trouble at work and, if you are a renowned person, the persecution through official media or even the collecting agency. That is what happens when presidents become idols and you cannot question those who know what you want and need. The long tradition of personalizing power. They know best, capisce?

Methods have changed, but the division remains. The crack. The social rift. The impossibility of accepting that the person standing in front of you does not have to think the same way as you do. A basic fundament of a democratic society. And somehow, this country has usually had a lot of trouble grasping that concept. Predictable consequences for a nation that has been a hostage of populism for decades. Demagoguery, social assistance from the State instead of promoting the dignity that entails working, indoctrination, the elimination of opposition, authority over media to achieve a formidable propaganda system, a foreign enemy that wants to control us...
Despite some circumstances that mitigate the impact, some things are too common nowadays. There are many similarities that you cannot express without being called "gorila", the stigmatizing word that the unpatriotic receive.
The little we have learned after so many years. It is certainly frightening.

In this work, there are some notions concerning the context of those times that are only mentioned by the writer but not explained with details and, sometimes, not explained at all. It is understandable, since if she did, there wouldn't be enough trees to make the required amount of paper to describe all that. Plus, as a reader, I am grateful because that allowed me to do my research. There were some things that I did not remember from my History lessons, so it was beneficial for me. And many that I did not know. One becomes a part of the process, in some way.

The first chapter is called “Perón and the Dictatorship of 1943”. Basically, it is about how Perón started to put his ideas in motion in order to achieve his main goal all along: power. The presidency. That chapter portrays Perón as an unapologetic enthusiast of fascism (he brought ideas from Italy to execute in here and, a detail: Argentina, under Perón's inexorable influence, did not declare war to the Axis until they were almost defeated, worrying the whole region) willing to do what it took to fulfill his desires. The following chapters reflect precisely that. The way he used the flag of syndicalism simply to gain power:
Lo que Perón le dio a los sindicatos fue un rápido ascenso al poder, a cambio de usarlos como herramienta política personal.
~
What Perón gave to the unions were a fast way to power, in exchange of using them as his own political instrument. (43)

As you read, you will also find out about the political repression suffered by students that went to the streets to manifest themselves against National Socialism, something that depicts a clear inclination of the government towards that ideology. Furthermore, Mercado wrote about the outstanding creative process of the well-known “17 de Octubre”, a mass mobilization supporting Perón that did not happened exactly the way his people retell it. Also his relationship with Eva, her foundation, the arbitrary use of public money and the assistance to only those who showed support to the leader. And in many chapters, the author explains the truth about the human rights policy of the two Peronist governments, from 1946 to 1955:
- persecution, prison, torture and elimination of everything that opposed the leader (politics, artists, workers; anyone);
- censorship; control of the media to silence every possible scream (foreign newspapers were the key to reach to that conclusion).
—Pero, general, no puede decirme a mí que lo de las torturas se trata de una infamia.
—¿De dónde saca que no lo es?
—Porque a mí me torturaron, general.

—But, General, you cannot tell me that tortures are vicious lies.
—Where do you get the idea that they are not just that?
—Because I was tortured, General.
(Dialogue between Perón and Félix Luna, historian. 213)

Let us not forget that we are talking about a democratic government. Okay, shady elections but elections nonetheless. And I know that a somewhat manipulated election does not represent democracy at its finest. But... elections. And now I dare you to count how many times I wrote “elections” just to show you my point.
In any case, in a perfect-sunny-puppy-make-believe world, assuming that those elections were fair, the following policies of that administration violated basic principles of what democracy was and is supposed to be, anyway. Just like the aforementioned situations.

So, here we are. I must admit that I used to love the romantic idea of kingdoms. I became quite interested in English history when I was a teenager. The idea of distant realms, their laws, their customs, their battles, their views on religions, their caprices that created new laws and religions, the intrigue, their conspiracies, even the clothing... Yes, I was a nerd. Yes, I still am.
Argentine history lacked all that... excitement (yes, I was also a moron). During my youthful years, I used to yawn at school, whenever we had to study our history, our presidents, their periods, their governments, etc. Even though I always loved history, I could never enjoyed studying our own. I don't think I should blame it only on my perception of an apparently boring past. I am not sure... but I think the somewhat dull teachers' approach was a contributory factor. And no, I am not justifying myself. I was not Pink putting bricks on the wall—not because of studying, anyway. I am just saying...

Anyway, it is never too late to rethink our behaviors, our habits, our perspectives. Books tend to help us on that particular aspect. For some people, ignorance is “bliss”, but it also constitutes a state of dangerous blindness. Something that will certainly lead to blatant manipulation. That is why education must be the fundamental base of a country and, in countries ruled by populism, that cannot happen. Their strength lies in ignorance. Only knowledge can create a free mind. Only knowledge can set you free from political manipulation.

description

I have to say that El Relato Peronista not only allowed me to bring down some very strong preconceptions and myths that many people defend with their soul and mental health, it also helped me to rekindle my relationship with my history. The past of my own country. That fact embodies the most efficient way—if not the only way—to avoid the repetition of mistakes. That concept has been conveyed by many historical characters, such as George Santayana, inspired by Cicero's idea that history is life's teacher:
Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.
~
Aquellos que no pueden recordar su pasado están condenados a repetirlo.





* Photo credit: Juan Domingo Perón via Infobae.
Imagen del libro Evita, de Graciela Albornoz de Videla. Editorial Luis Lasserre SRL / via Historia del Peronismo.
Translation: 
The kids are well dressed. 
The Eva Perón Foundation gives clothes to those in need.
Mom and Dad love us. Perón and Evita love us.




Suicidado: El Asesinato del Fiscal Alberto Nisman - G. M. Bracesco

Rating: 
17/07/15

- Vos sabés que en política pasa de todo.
You know that, in politics, anything can happen. 
(69)

- La Justicia no podrá devolverle la vida al Fiscal Alberto Nisman. Pero podrá devolvernos la dignidad a todos los argentinos si se atreve, como él se atrevió, a ir en busca de la verdad.
Justice can't bring prosecutor Alberto Nisman back to life. But it can bring back dignity to all Argentines if it dares, like he did, to go in search of the truth.
 
(234, Santiago Kovadloff's speech at Nisman's funeral)

January. Monday. Around 7 a.m. I woke up and went to brush my teeth. That is not the perfect line to start a review. I know, nothing poetic about picturing people brushing their teeth. But that is how everything started for me. When I got out of the bathroom, my mother was already up. She always tries to be up to say “take care, have a good day at work” (like that ever happens, but it is nice to have someone to tell you those things, anyway). I still don't know if I was suppose to go to work that day, because I remember I stayed all morning watching the news. And now I see an image I tweeted that Monday at 8.43 a.m. So, no, I did not go to work. And if my previous boss is reading this, now he knows the truth. The most relevant homicide in Argentina's recent criminal history was there. I had to know. I was not going anywhere.

So, like I said, I went back to my room and watched the news on my computer. I don't have a t.v. in my room–good habit–, but I can't go out before checking the news, the weather and other trivia. However, there was nothing of trivia in the news I was about to watch.
Argentine federal prosecutor, Alberto Nisman, was found dead in his apartment. I could not believe it. I remained in silence for a couple of minutes. Stunned. A mix of confusion and powerlessness took over me. When, how, WHO. Why? Not why. I could sense the reason. That man was the chief investigator of the 1994 car bombing of AMIA (Israelite Argentine Mutual Association), the Jewish center in Buenos Aires, where 85 people were killed and about 300 injured. That man accused President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, his Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman (of Jewish religion, may I add) and other politicians of helping Iran to cover up the consequences of Argentina's worst terrorist attack. That man, on that Monday, was about to present his allegations to Congress. But that man had been killed hours ago, silencing the investigation forever. Condemning him and other 85 souls to oblivion. Making "justice" a simple word you can only find in the dictionary.
After a while, I came back to reality and went to my mother's bedroom to tell her. The reaction was the same. She could not believe it.
I still can't believe it.
Con esto, me juego la vida.
~
With this, I put my life at risk. (99, Nisman's words.)

That is how I found out about the murder of Nisman. And that is how Suicidado starts: with the retelling of how G. M. Bracesco found out.
Social media is a powerful thing. We know everything in real time. So, when journalist Damián Pachter tweeted, on January, 18, at precisely 11.35 p.m., that something was wrong in Nisman's apartment, the impact was reasonably tremendous. As he explains in the book, Bracesco himself was the first journalist that went to Puerto Madero to investigate and record everything that was going on. With that impressive amount of information, he created this work. Nonetheless, he warns us that his book constitutes a personal hypothesis.
Usually, the line that divides reality from fiction is ridiculously thin. And, according to Mark Twain, “The only difference between reality and fiction is that fiction needs to be credible”. In Argentina, reality has lost every possible credibility, so a book about our last twenty years of history, wouldn't be logical, at all.
Again, the writer states that this is his hypothesis. It is defined as kind of a crime novel. And no one can affirm that this series of unfortunate events did not occur exactly the way the author explained us.

Bracesco's writing is very straightforward. The lack of pretentiousness in language is something that I always celebrate. It is not a simplistic writing style that underestimate the reader, but his colloquial use of the language helps you to easily connect with him. And, in the middle of such harsh descriptions, he made room for some funny remarks concerning certain characters and situations.
The structure of the book is simple and coherent. It contains short and engaging chapters with the author's explanations and descriptions and also fragments of news, interviews and records that support his words. There are some mistakes (editor, hello), maybe the rush of getting this book out on the streets, but everything I could ignore (okay, I still underlined with my pencil every one of those because I am a neurotic reader; I have a problem and I am aware of it so don't judge me!) because of the revolting feeling in all organs of my body due to every dreadful detail that portrayed human degradation at its finest. A wave of sorrow and anger took over me and by the time I finished the book, I was immersed in a sea of uncertainty and hopelessness. I am Argentine. I should be used to that by now, right? And still, I should not get so used to it, for that leads to political and social anesthesia. A state of mind that many politicians long for. We certainly can't allow that.

From the beginning, Bracesco tells us that power delays and degenerates investigations that are not convenient to the current administration. That usually, it is the common people that do not belong to the corrupted circle, the ones that ruin the intended perfect crime. And that is exactly what happened with Alberto Nisman. In this book, you will find out the possible reasons for the AMIA bombing, the on-off relationship between Argentina and Iran, the role of Venezuela in that particular aspect, the truth behind the infamous memorandum of understanding signed with Iran which mere objective was to boost trade with them and guarantee impunity to Iranian suspects...
Se busca por una cuestión política, borrar una causa de un crimen de lesa humanidad.
~
For a political matter, they intend to erase a case about a crime against humanity. (45, Nisman's words)

...how the murder of Nisman was possibly perpetrated and the events that followed (an exiled journalist, frightened witnesses, media manipulation by the ruling party, Lagomarsino's story, a President answering through Facebook), with a special part regarding how the experts that were supposed to preserve the scene, did all the contrary. Negligence or determination. Stupidity or obedience. Coffee, croissants and sandals over blood.
El encubrimiento siempre tiene cara de incompetencia e ineptitud.
~
The act of covering up always has the face of incompetence and ineptness. (12)

The desperation to cover up all the loose ends can make you fatally sloppy.

The special prosecutor of this case is Viviana Fein, who, during that fatal night, asked journalists for prudence, patience and said that in the course of a few days they would know the real cause of death.
Six months later, I am writing these lines and we still do not know officially, if it was a suicide, a forced suicide or a murder. Even though the evidence screams murder so loud. And yet, we are the only ones that hear that scream, despite all the Government efforts to make us listen otherwise. For they buried the prosecutor's complaint against the President and her staff, but they cannot bury the feeling we have as a society, that something doesn't quite fit...
Hoy no tengo pruebas, pero tampoco tengo dudas.
~
Today I don't have evidence, but I don't have doubts either. (176, Cristina Kirchner's words)

In conclusion, a prosecutor was killed the day before he could present his allegations to Congress after a ten-year investigation. Something that would have shaken our Government completely. We do not know much, but we do know that nothing in politics happens by mistake nor by accident. Everything has its reason. Everything can be planned. And we are always in the middle of their personal interests. Politics, business, media, powerful companies. They can always understand each other. We are the ones always in the middle. Watching. Waiting. Waiting for the punch, for the adjustment, for the legal consequences only reserved to us, like a never-ending tribute to the Kafkaesque universe.

Alberto Nisman is another wound in this chain of corruption, money and power that so well defines Argentine history. We should never forget. Books like this one are necessary to prevent us from forgetting. A shocking book; a necessary reading. Because in oblivion lies impunity. This is a thrilling story... until you realize that the death of prosecutor Nisman is not fiction.
We cannot forget.

Today is July, 17. I am writing this review as we commemorate the 21st anniversary of AMIA bombing.
21 years. 85 victims. Not a single convict. I have to find the strength to believe that Nisman, the 86th victim, will not have the same fate. And yet...

The following is a 1947 poem by the eclectic Dylan Thomas, that Bracesco included in his book. With this, I finish.
Do not go gentle into that good night,
Old age should burn and rave at close of day;
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Though wise men at their end know dark is right,
Because their words had forked no lightning they
Do not go gentle into that good night.

Good men, the last wave by, crying how bright
Their frail deeds might have danced in a green bay,
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Wild men who caught and sang the sun in flight,
And learn, too late, they grieved it on its way,
Do not go gentle into that good night.

Grave men, near death, who see with blinding sight
Blind eyes could blaze like meteors and be gay,
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

And you, my father, there on the sad height,
Curse, bless, me now with your fierce tears, I pray.
Do not go gentle into that good night.
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.



* Photo credit: Book cover via Goodreads.



domingo, 4 de enero de 2015

The Art of War - Sun Tzu

Rating: 
05/12/13

Sun Tzu was a Chinese military general that lived apparently around the 6th century BC. So, this treatise has been around for a couple of years. Its maxims have been used by many well-known people through history. 

Before this book, I read another one of similar characteristics, A Book of Five Rings: The Classic Guide to StrategyThere were a couple of insightful reflections in both books. They are not mainly about cold strategies and tactics. They wrote about discipline, honesty, wisdom, courage; all things needed in life and not just to fight. And one should fight only when necessary. According to Sun Tzu (and any other rational human being) war should be the last resort. 
“Hence to fight and conquer in all your battles is not supreme excellence; supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy's resistance without fighting.”
Another book I read relating this subject was The Prince, which I reviewed here. These books make a powerful combination. They show you how to get power and how to keep it. And if things get too ugly, then you have to follow some rules and have a couple of strategies under your sleeve in order to win. However, in my opinion, The Prince has a more straightforward approach. It goes right to the point. Do you want to have power and learn how to maintain it no matter what? Do this and this and this because (reason here). Done. No poetic metaphors.

Anyway, there is a lot to be considered before your first move -once you decided it is wise to make that move. War is based on deception, so you should seem weak when you are ready to attack, make the enemy think you are far away when you are behind his neck! Yes, it is an art. The military general must carefully plan and calculate everything before taking action, that would sure lead him to victory. Same with life, it is always better to think things through before acting (I am sure you didn't see that line coming).

Good book. I am so ready to go to the office tomorrow.







Utopia - Thomas More

Rating: 
24/12/13

This book was published in 1516 and it's divided into two parts. The first one made my eyes feel exhausted, so I can sum up all that, just by saying that More found his friend Peter and this one introduced him to a fella named Raphael, a man who visited several countries to satisfy his desire to see the world. He shared some opinions of the political scenario of his time (a bit familiar; whether you are talking about yesterday's kingdoms or today's democratic governments, some things never change) and talked about some general aspects of this awesome island called Utopia. The other two guys could not believe that such a land could subsist, since it was a place where, for instance, private property didn't exist.

A million words and a couple of eyelashes later, Raphael started to talk specifically about Utopia: all things relating to their soil, their rivers, their towns, their people, their manners, constitution, laws...

And here I stop. Laws. This society has few laws. Why?
"They very much condemn other nations, whose laws, together with the commentaries on them, swell up to so many volumes; for they think it an unreasonable thing to oblige men to obey a body of laws that are both of such a bulk and so dark as not to be read and understood by every one of the subjects."
That last line seems to have been quite a source of ideas to the great Kafka. And I agree: laws should be simpler, everybody should be able to understand them; and that bureaucracy that sucks life out of people should be eradicated, etc., etc. And so did the Utopians: few laws and, of course, no lawyers.
"(…) they consider them as a sort of people whose profession it is to disguise matters and to wrest the laws; and therefore they think it is much better that every man should plead his own cause, and trust it to the judge... By this means they both cut off many delays."
Ignore this paragraph. I need to vent. Well, More, this is a bit irritating. It is not my fault that we have a collapsed legal system, I am not the one that spends a month signing one freaking paper! Fu@#$% bastards that after two months they give you one lousy answer while the moron that also had to study tons of books for five fu@#$% years (and has to watch those laws being violated just like that) has to answer to the client and try to explain why the freaking process is taking like five years of his/her LIFE, DAMN IT. 

Breathe.

Excellent.

Anyway, this is a book about an ideal land, a pagan place. Saint Thomas' perfect society was one that worshiped the sun or the moon or believed in a Supreme Being. A society ruled by reason had to believe in something. People who did not believe in the afterlife, commonly known as atheists, were considered beasts because they rejected a state of rewards and punishments to the good and bad people after life on earth. So, such a human being who is not afraid of anything but the laws is more likely to break them to satisfy his appetites... Not a warm and fuzzy land for the non-believers.

It has to be said, Utopians despised atheists and treated them like animals and forbade them ranks and honors and stuff, however, they did not punish them in order to avoid hypocrisy: so that men are not tempted to lie or disguise their opinions. Not that bad, huh?

As I said, this was a perfect place with no private property, with slavery (adulterers, watch out), with few laws and where everyone was happy with no legal problems to solve (yup, More, being a great lawyer himself, apparently wasn't a big fan of lawyers... sly creature!). Suddenly, a disturbing image comes to mind:



Jokes aside, this is an interesting book to read with lots of coffee in your body. A man imagined what a perfect country should be like, and yes, it is not that perfect. This book started a bit slow for me, but then it got better. I would recommend this to people who enjoy history, otherwise you can drink all the coffee Colombia has to offer, but you still won't reach page 5.





* Photo credit: Book cover via Goodreads.
Gif from The Simpsons by Matt Groening / via Giphy.



viernes, 2 de enero de 2015

The Prince - Niccolò Machiavelli

Rating: 
19/07/13


This is no Little Prince, that's for sure. You must kill the fox, burn the rose, murder the businessman, if any of them tries to take control over your princedom. There is no time to be nice! There is only time to seem to be nice. At the end of the day, it is better to be feared than loved, if you can't be both. But, keep in mind chapter 23.

The Prince was written in the 16th century, and some of its ideas are too contemporary. It is a major treatise that influenced political leaders, through history. Machiavelli is widely regarded as the father of modern politics, by taking away any trace of theology and morality from his works. (That is something no one has ever said before.) I should have read it long ago, but everything has its time, I guess.

So, there are a lot of concepts that should stay in the book. A few you can apply in ordinary circumstances. But, it delivers what you are waiting for, if you want to know how to have and keep power to yourself, no matter the head you are crushing, and all that with a straight-forward prose. It is short, easy to understand, even though the concept of achieving glory, power and survival, no matter how immoral you have to be..., it is not tough to get; THAT we get.

All that cruelty, wickedness, immorality; all those things apparently needed to achieve greatness, printed long ago in the form of a little book, just like that... From a twisted point of view, sometimes, it is almost a bit funny.
It was an excellent read.
There is no other way to guard yourself against flattery than by making men understand that telling you the truth will not offend you. (137)
Lovely.